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 |
Why Innovative Action?
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CREATOR: |
Robert B. Kugel (author) |
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DATE: |
January 10, 1969 |
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FROM: |
Changing Patterns in Residential Services
for the Mentally Retarded |
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PUBLISHER: |
President’s Committee on Mental
Retardation, Washington, D.C. |
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SOURCE: |
Available at selected libraries |
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1 |
The Problem |
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2 |
In 1967, the President's Committee on
Mental Retardation took stock of the national
effort being made to combat mental
retardation. In its report, MR 67
(President's Committee, 1967), one of ten
points emphasized was the poor status of
residential care. In fact, residential
facilities were described as a disgrace to the
nation. |
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3 |
Unfortunately, there is little good news
when writing about residential facilities in
the United States, although considerable and
even outstanding progress is being made in
some areas of mental retardation. Among these
are the growth of day centers for severely
handicapped individuals and of employment
opportunities for retarded and handicapped
individuals in general. Throughout the
country, programs in public education have
helped to dispel some of the darkness of the
past. Research -- biological, sociological,
and behavioral -- is a hallmark of the
American scene. Volunteer efforts for both the
retarded and the physically handicapped have
been outstanding. Innovations in behavior
shaping are pointing the way for better
management. Diagnostic services for the
retarded also have been among the outstanding
successes. |
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4 |
Why, then, have residential facilities in
this country lagged so far behind these other
areas in which advancement has been
considerable? What are some of the problems
which seem to confront our residential
facilities? |
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5 |
Typically, public residential facilities
have been plagued by a triple problem:
overcrowding, understaffing, and
underfinancing. To complicate matters further,
the public, long accustomed to knowing little
about mental retardation, often held
inaccurate information, and there was a
mystique about the retarded and other
handicapping conditions involving feelings of
hopelessness, repulsion, and fear. Gradually a
change in attitude has been occurring as
various significant efforts have been made to
enlighten lay and professional people alike.
But despite these efforts, the residential
facilities of this country have languished. I
would like to analyze briefly some reasons why
public and, to some extent, private
residential facilities throughout the country
are so far behind. |
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6 |
In the mid-19th century, there was a wave
of optimism about the care of the mentally
retarded. The belief developed at that time
that, through educational efforts, the
retarded could be helped, and that most of
them could be made self-sufficient citizens.
When this concept, so noble in its beginning,
appeared to have failed, decision-makers
became committed to locating institutions away
from the population centers of the state. This
unfortunate decision seems to have been
motivated in part from the conviction that
mentally retarded persons were best cared for
in a more bucolic setting; in part out of fear
that the retarded, being a scourge to society,
should be removed as far from society as
possible; and in part to satisfy demands to
locate employment opportunities in
underdeveloped areas in order to provide jobs
and income to the surrounding communities.
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7 |
Still later, the scourge notion grew,
especially with the publication of poorly
designed studies like that of the Kallikak
family by Goddard (1912). The mentally
retarded were soon to overpopulate our land,
according to Goddard, and segregating them
from society was the most important service to
be rendered. As a consequence, further
building programs for institutions were really
a continuation of the out-of-sight,
out-of-mind concept, and institutions for the
retarded began to be considered as colonies
where the undesirable members of society would
be segregated and separated. Although this
concept also proved to be fallacious, the
country soon entered World War I, which was
followed not long afterwards by the Great
Depression, and these events permitted the
mold to set, so that very little in the way of
changes occurred for many years. For whatever
reason or combination of reasons, most of the
nation's public residential facilities, and
also many private ones, are located in
out-of-the-way communities. Being so located
has meant ever-increasing difficulty in
obtaining qualified professional staff, who
frequently prefer to live in larger
communities. Similarly, the core of any
institution, i.e., the ward or cottage
personnel, have been increasingly difficult to
recruit as the population has shifted from
rural to metropolitan areas. |
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8 |
When citizens become concerned about an
issue, such as where to locate a new highway
or whether to build a new school, it has
always been useful to be able to show these
citizens, their legislators, and others in
decision-making positions what the problem is
all about by having ready access to a good
existing example. This has been a problem for
those trying to change the plight of the
institutions, because it is doubtful whether
there is a single exemplary model of care for
the severely and profoundly retarded anywhere
in this country. |
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9 |
To visit institutions, exemplary or
otherwise, citizens in the past had to make a
great effort, and then they often went only
once. In part, this is so because, of the
distance involved for many, and in part
because they were repulsed by what they saw.
Many legislators have appropriated large sums
of money to support their public facilities,
but have never visited a single institution
for the retarded, either to see the need
firsthand or to ascertain how the money was
spent. There are physicians who refer families
to these residential facilities but who have
never seen the facility and do not know the
professional personnel caring for the clients
whom they refer. This is an odd paradox since
one cannot imagine a physician referring a
patient to a hospital for an operation if he
knew nothing about the place and people
involved. |
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10 |
The underfinancing of most public
institutions is a tremendous problem. The
1966-67 per diem costs over the country
(excepting Alaska) range from about $3 to $14.
(U.S. Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare.) In contrast, five of the largest
zoos even a few years back spent an average of
over $7 for their large animals (see Blatt in
this volume). While capital construction
outlay and total operating budgets of
institutions involve vast sums of money,
budget increases, especially increases in per
capita expenditures, have often been so token
that very little help was given to the
beleaguered institutional superintendent and
his staff. |
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11 |
The underfinancing pertains to all aspects
of residential care; it contributes, of
course, to the under staffing. Salaries have
often been at shockingly low levels. In many
states, professional salaries have been at
levels so low as to attract no one of
competence, and the nonprofessional salaries
for attendant personnel in many places have
been below the national poverty level!
Physical therapists are frequently lacking
altogether. Speech therapists may consist only
of untrained individuals. Occupational
therapists may be totally unknown. While the
children and adults may be kept clean, they
often have no programs for daily living other
than the meaningless blare of a television set
or the completely empty, fenced-in court. Can
anyone doubt that such practices have
interfered severely with effective
programming? |
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12 |
Many institutions have been so hard put to
attract capable medical personnel that they
have relied heavily on foreign-trained
physicians, some of whom were unable to secure
state licenses and hence were able to work
only in a facility which could waive state
requirements, such as is possible by a state
facility. Unable to go elsewhere and being the
only ones willing to accept the poor salaries,
these men and women find themselves in virtual
bondage, and the salary situation remains
poor. Other institutions, even if large, have
no full-time physician at all. |
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13 |
On the basis of some rough calculations it
is estimated that about 30 percent of all
budgeted positions in public residential
facilities are now vacant (Noone, 1967). This
can be explained partially by the fact that
the attendant positions of many of our
institutions are at the level designated by
our government as poverty wages. Three
thousand dollars a year will not provide
personnel of high caliber! Since the cottage
life and ward personnel constitute the
backbone of any residential program, it should
not be surprising to find that many
habilitative programs are frequently seriously
inadequate or lacking altogether. |
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14 |
The use of residents to perform work
necessary to keep the institution running
constitutes another problem which arises from
under-financing and which is sometimes
referred to as "institutional peonage."
Although it is highly desirable that residents
be productively employed, continued and
inappropriate retention of residents in work
situations has often been the only way the
daily work could get done. Some important
services in the ward, infirmary, maintenance,
laundry, and kitchen areas would collapse if
it were not for continued reliance on resident
help. In addition, absence of adequate
community resources (e.g., workshops, group
living facilities, community supervision) has
meant that even if residents were to be
released, there is often no place for them to
live and no job for them to have. To
habilitate the retarded person who has lived
the better part of his life in an institution
is most difficult, since he is ill-prepared to
cope with the social requirements of a normal
community. |
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15 |
The American Association on Mental
Deficiency is currently evaluating our
residential facilities. This is a voluntary
process, and residential facilities are not
obliged to submit. However, most of them do,
and many are reporting that they are grossly
overcrowded, being anywhere from 25 to 50
percent above their rated bed capacity (Blatt
and Kaplan, 1967). Consequently, there are
often large bleak wards where physically
handicapped individuals are confined to bed,
provided with minimal care, but given little
in the way of stimulation to make their lives
the least bit meaningful. Many will end their
days in these drab surroundings. There is
still an additional factor: increasingly,
severely handicapped residents with multiple
problems are being admitted because many such
individuals, who would have died a generation
ago, are now saved as a result of medical
advances. |
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16 |
Recently, Blatt and Kaplan (1967)
published a book entitled Christmas in
Purgatory. In this book they indicated
pictorially the deplorable state of some
residential facilities. Although the authors
were criticized by some, I believe that Blatt
and Kaplan have performed a great and
important service by pointing up this shocking
problem. We all know of places where residents
sit naked, surrounded by their excreta. I have
seen a man without legs condemned to walk on
his stumps because he once ran away from the
institution, got lost, froze his legs and had
to have them amputated. Everyone was reluctant
to provide him with rehabilitative services
for fear that there might be a repetition of
this behavior, and, furthermore, his condition
was perceived as a deserved punishment! |
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17 |
Overcrowding, under staffing, and under
financing are three of the important issues
related to public facilities, but there are
others. One of these is obsolete architecture
and design. Maintenance may have been so poor
that lavatory and toilet facilities may be
nonfunctioning, food preparation cannot be
carried out in the desired sanitary fashion,
and climate control may be so unequal to the
task as to leave buildings either too hot or
too cold. |
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18 |
Many Americans have the impression that
poor residential facilities are something
inevitable which must be endured, along with
other evils of our times. Not so! One can
visit several European countries, especially
in Scandinavia, to find imaginative and
unusual programs of care. Along with others, I
have been impressed on my visits there to find
many residential facilities which were located
close to population centers. In Copenhagen I
visited a residential facility (Children's
Hospital at Vangede) which is in a suburban
setting served by the city's rapid transit
system. Many of these facilities have no more
than 150 to 200 residents, and some are no
larger than a large household.
Staff-to-resident ratios are frequently 1:1,
and the care provided is exemplary. In
addition, the physical surroundings are
pleasant, abounding in bright colors. Fixtures
and furnishings are attractively designed and
not the clumsy institutional or prison
industry furniture often found in this
country. Everything is meant to be attractive
and to have appeal to those who must reside in
such a facility. |
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19 |
The problems of our overcrowded
institutions can only be solved by giving
simultaneous attention to community resources.
It has been pointed out on many occasions that
the galaxie of services needed should include
diagnostic centers, special education, day
care, vocational training, sheltered
workshops, residential schools, group living
homes, etc. I would maintain that residential
facilities will not be what we want them to be
unless simultaneous efforts are made to
rectify the situation in both the
institution and the community. |
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20 |
As one major effort towards accomplishing
the desired objectives, massive re-education
is required. There is nothing to be gained by
hiding the fact that our residential
facilities are in a deplorable state, their
buildings crumbling, the staff overworked,
underpaid and often undertrained, and the
programs providing only minimal care and
habilitation. Each state must develop a
greater public education effort to bring to
the attention of the citizens this blot on our
escutcheon. It should be our wish and intent
to try to rehabilitate residents to the
community, rather than to segregate them. This
reorientation in thinking will require
considerable effort as public officials,
administrators of institutions, professional
workers, and the lay public all come to
understand that the handicapped and the
retarded do not need to be moved aside, but
rather should be a part of the ongoing
community process. |
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21 |
Group homes, nursing homes, and respite
centers which provide short-term residence in
an effort to help families and to meet
temporary needs should all be part of the
services available in the community. Even
severely retarded individuals with extensive
physical handicaps can be handled in the
community. Great Britain some years ago
pioneered with the idea that the physically
handicapped, as well as the person with other
handicapping conditions, can and should be
maintained in the community; but to do this,
the concept was developed that even the most
severe form of handicapping condition
requiring prolonged nursing care could be
cared for in the community as part of a
regular pediatric unit. Such services need not
be separated, segregated and removed from
society (Pediatric Society of the South East
Metropolitan Region, 1962). |
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22 |
One might ask the question. Should not all
such persons be maintained in the community?
Why should they be removed? Should not
society's aim be to try to help when mental
retardation or physical handicap has occurred?
One does not say to the parent of a child with
leukemia that the child should be "put away,"
although everyone knows that the child will
ultimately die, and understands the human
tragedy which has occurred. Rather, all forces
are mobilized to help and to sustain the child
in the community even though he may need
periodic hospitalizations. Surely the same
approach should be used for the mentally
retarded and the physically disabled. |
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23 |
In the easing of understaffing, two
programs are worthy of note. The Foster
Grandparent Program (under which the
government pays retired citizens to engage in
one-to-one work with retarded persons for a
few hours a week) has been successful in
helping to cope with the manpower problem. It
meets the needs not only of handicapped
persons but also of the elderly who are
looking for a constructive role in our society
where they can be of help and assistance and
not be thought of as misfits, relegated to a
shelf. The SWEAT (Student Work Experience and
Training) program has been another successful
device in attracting people, in this case
youths, to mental retardation. Under this
federally supported program, high school and
college students are paid a stipend for
working during a summer in a facility or
service for the retarded. In many such
programs conducted across the country the
students have received didactic instruction
along with the work experience. SWEAT has been
one of the most imaginative as well as
economical and apparently successful projects
attracting young people to careers in this
field. But much more is needed, and much
greater effort will be required if the
manpower problem is to be solved. |
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24 |
Throughout the Scandinavian countries, I
have been greatly impressed by the numbers of
young, eager, well-informed men and women one
finds working with the retarded. At a school
for cerebral palsied children in Gothenburg,
Sweden, I had the opportunity of visiting one
of the most delightful places to be seen
anywhere. This happened to be a residential
facility where things are so well developed
that one could find a child who was ill (from
some other cause) being read to rather than
being left alone, as is so frequently the case
in our country. A training program in Denmark
for primary workers in mental retardation
(equivalent to our attendants) is of
considerable interest. The program is half
theoretical and half practical. The students,
many of them akin to school dropouts in this
country, are recruited for such training,
subsidized during it, and thereafter provided
with good situations in which to work. A
similar program has been in existence in at
least one area in England. |
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25 |
While the turnover is fairly great among
the young people in Scandinavia who are
trained in these programs, there is another
sidelight to all of this. Most of these young
people will go on to be parents themselves,
and having learned something about the
handicapped as well as something about child
development, they will be more understanding
of the handicapped and also will be in a
better position to manage their own families.
At any rate, it can be noted that these
ingenious training programs have come close to
solving the personnel problem. This idea
should be studied carefully by all of our
states to see what can be adapted to the
American scene. |
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26 |
In thinking about solutions for
residential care, one certainly must give
thought to architecture and size. Dr. Gunnar
Dybwad has written much about the
architectural barriers in residential
facilities. He and others would point out that
if existing buildings are to be modified in
order to relieve overcrowding, a loss in bed
space is inevitable. On the basis of 10 to 15
years of experience, the Scandinavian
countries, again leaders in the remodeling of
existing buildings, have pointed out that it
is absolutely necessary to plan on reducing
the number of beds by half in order to bring
many old buildings up to modern standards.
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27 |
The desirability of having large
facilities of 1,000 or more is still
controversial. Many of our facilities are of
this size, or larger, and some more are now
being constructed. The evidence is not
convincing as to why large residential
facilities need be built. The argument often
runs that large facilities cost less to
operate. I would suggest that this point has
not been proved. Currently, the President's
Committee on Mental Retardation is in the
process of having a study conducted concerning
what is known about costs of running large
versus small facilities. There is preliminary
evidence to suggest that small facilities of
150 to 250 can be constructed and operated at
no more than the cost now being utilized in
the larger residential facility, and perhaps
even at less cost. It is even possible that
the hostel concept of placing small groups of
retardates into existing rented, leased, and
purchased homes and facilities (rather than
newly constructed ones) will prove the most
economical alternative for many retardates
needing residential care. Existing facilities
are often cheaper than new construction, and
rentals and leases preserve the flexibility of
locating and using facilities as needed -- a
flexibility that is drastically reduced in new
purpose-built construction. Cost analysis can
be deceptive, however, if one is not comparing
like commodities. The study will, I believe,
shed some important light on the entire matter
of cost accounting in the operation of these
various facilities. |
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28 |
An additional point to be made about the
size of an institution certainly relates to
one's sense of human values. In today's world,
where many of us become numbers on an IBM
card, we feel great reluctance to bid farewell
to the concept of a more individualistic
approach to human services. Increasingly,
people express preference for return to small
units and systems, whether in a university, a
city, or a residential facility. These human
values must not be permitted to be
overshadowed by too much architectural
efficiency and the engineering consideration
of locating buildings at the point closest to
the steam plant. Surely we have seen the
problems of regimentation so as to be ever on
guard in all sectors lest we increase or even
perpetuate this problem. |
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29 |
I have not written much about which one
can be happy. Individuals and groups concerned
with the handicapped and retarded should make
every effort to join hands with each other to
see what can be done to improve this
deplorable situation. I would suggest that the
reorientation of the community will be the
crucial factor. Facilities close to where
people live should be the watchword. At the
same time, we must attend to the condition of
our existing facilities, to improving the pay
scale, to reducing the number of residents,
and to restructuring the mission of
residential facilities in ways which will
return residents to the community. |
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30 |
The Rationale of the Book |
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31 |
The President's Committee on Mental
Retardation has been deeply concerned about
the issues sketched above. The Subcommittee on
the State of the Nation was instructed to give
serious study to this problem in 1967/68. As
chairman of the Subcommittee, I have invited
several American and European leaders known
for imaginative conceptualization, planning,
construction, or administration of residential
and other services to take a thoughtful look
at the plight of our nation's residential
programs and facilities for the retarded, and
to put their thoughts on paper. No attempt was
made to develop an exhaustive handbook on
residential care, but to examine the present
system and to delineate some alternatives and
courses for action. While the focus of this
effort was to be on residential services in
the United States, it became obvious that one
cannot look at the residential problem without
addressing oneself broadly to all aspects of
services to the retarded, and even to human
services more generally; and that in examining
our problems, we can both learn from and
perhaps contribute to the experiences of our
colleagues in other countries. |
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32 |
The compendium of papers was intended to
serve as a resource to the Subcommittee, and
ultimately the total Committee, in formulating
recommendations to the President and the
nation. However, it was felt that the thinking
of the authors should also be brought before a
wider audience, and that this compendium that
has contributed so much to the deliberations
of the President's Committee should be
published. Specifically, an attempt was made
to structure the contributions to this volume
in such a way as to make them useful not only
to specialists in the field but also to
nonspecialists who can or must make decisions
relevant to the future of the field. Among
such individuals might be legislators,
officials at various levels of local, state,
and federal government, and parent leaders.
Last but not least, it was hoped that part or
all of the book could be useful to students of
mental retardation. |
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33 |
The rationale for the composition of the
book deserves some discussion. The concept of
"models" underlies the entire book and ties
its various elements together. First, we
attempted to provide an understanding of the
current situation, i.e., the current models,
and the first four parts (five chapters) of
the book are devoted to this. The next three
parts (eleven chapters) introduce suggestions
and examples for constructive change (new
models). The last part attempts to digest and
integrate all of the earlier chapters and to
translate them into specific recommendations
for action. Appendices were added to a number
of chapters. These appendices contain material
that would disrupt the continuity and balance
of a chapter, but which provide documentation
or elaboration that might be of high interest
to some users of the book. A more detailed
discussion of this progression of the book
follows below. |
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34 |
In Part 2, immediately following this
chapter, Butterfield presents an array of
basic facts about public institutions for the
retarded in the United States. The intent of
this chapter is to inform the nonspecialist
and foreign reader of some quantitative
aspects of the problem and to serve as a
reference source to others. It should be noted
that other chapters frequently make reference
to the type of data presented by Butterfield.
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35 |
Part 3 contains accounts of personal
reactions to visits of rather typical state
institutions for the retarded. Blatt's chapter
is related to a book (Blatt and Kaplan, 1967),
repeatedly referred to by other authors in the
volume, and to an article based on this book
and published in Look. Blatt depicts
realities which many of us would prefer to
deny, but which can only be called inexcusable
for a wealthy nation such as ours. Indeed,
such conditions are a disgrace to the nation,
as should be clear from the next chapter by
Nirje. |
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36 |
Nirje brings a perspective to bear which
can be very valuable to us. Highly
knowledgeable of mental retardation services
across the world, he visited the United States
with few preconceived ideas of what he might
see, and -- what is particularly painful to us
-- he had no axe to grind or vested interests
to represent; thus, only someone with a strong
vested interest himself could dismiss his
judgment of our institutions lightly. |
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37 |
To understand the present and minimize
errors in the future, one must know and
understand the past. In Part 4, Wolfensberger
attempts to interpret the history of United
States institutions for the retarded in the
light of certain theoretical constructs that
have gained prominence in recent sociological
thinking. A construct of particular strength
in Wolfensberger's analysis is role and role
perception. According to this analysis, our
institutions generally function as if their
retarded residents were perceived either as a
social menace or as subhuman organisms, and
institutional reform will depend more on
changes in ideology than on vast monetary
expenditures. |
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38 |
Wolfensberger's documentation of various
trends may appear to be excessive, but was
retained because of historical circumstances:
in challenging some widely accepted views, and
in attempting the first major reinterpretation
of the development of retardation
institutions, it was felt necessary to provide
solid substantiation. Otherwise, his
interpretations might be dismissed as
ill-founded, highly personalized hypotheses.
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39 |
The first five chapters. Parts 1-4,
essentially represent attempts to define and
understand a problem, and to set the stage for
thoughts about constructive action. In Part 5,
various authors present service concepts which
have either already been tried and found
highly useful, or which, if untried, are
relatively logical and feasible innovations.
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40 |
In the first chapter of Part 5, Blatt
presents some proposals on how to improve
institutions if we must have them. These
proposals, of course, stem from the
observations he discussed in Chapter 3. |
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41 |
In the next chapter, Nirje, too, puts the
observations he recorded earlier (in Chapter
4) into perspective. He presents the
theoretical construct of "normalization" which
underlies much of the Scandinavian legal and
service structure in mental retardation. This
construct has never been fully presented in
the American mental retardation literature,
but it is of such power and universality as to
provide a potential basis for legal and
service structures anywhere. Indeed, the
editors of this book view the normalization
principle as perhaps the single most important
concept that has emerged in this compendium.
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42 |
Blatt presented specific measures for
institutional reform, and Nirje a broad
theoretical framework for retardation services
generally. At this point, Tizard and Dunn
present chapters on practical, even
administrative, aspects of service development
and structure. Tizard treats the problem of
determination of service needs, balance of
service provisions, and the place of
residential services within the service
continuum. In a sense, he brings close to us
the service concepts which were advocated in
the 1962 Report by the President's Panel on
Mental Retardation, but which so far have been
implemented in only very few instances in this
country, and even then only partially so. |
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43 |
It is quite likely that even without any
further theoretical or empirical elaboration
there would be a trend toward dispersement of
residential centers. However, Dunn warns that
while dispersement is highly desirable, it may
not be enough. Both for programming and
staffing reasons, he urges that residential
facilities be not only small and dispersed,
but that specific professional disciplines
should operate different facilities according
to their own service models, specializing upon
the management of relatively homogeneous
groups of residents. |
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44 |
A theme brought out again and again in
this book is the need to include, view, and
discuss residential facilities as only one
component of a continuum of services. Nothing
is as convincing of the viability of such a
broad service system as visiting and seeing
one in operation. Since this book cannot
provide an actual visit, we decided to do the
next best thing and present detailed
descriptions of four model service systems. To
serve as a model, the following requirements
had to be met: |
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|
45 |
1. A model had to consist of a clearly
circumscribed, currently functioning, entity,
so that it could be unequivocally identified,
described, and seen in operation by those
desirous of visiting an operating exemplary
system. |
| |
|
46 |
2. In order to demonstrate the feasibility
of continuity of services, the model had to
contain a range of services of which
residential facilities were one part. |
| |
|
47 |
3. In order to be instructive in regard to
administrative and planning aspects, the model
had to be in a dynamic state of evolution
according to a well-conceptionalized and
formally defined (written) planning scheme.
|
| |
|
48 |
4. Since services to the retarded are
increasingly perceived as a right, and since
services defined as legally rightful tend to
be operated or at least regulated by
governmental units, a model had to be operated
or regulated under public auspices in order to
be maximally instructive. |
| |
|
49 |
5. Long-term planning is not very feasible
or meaningful unless the plan is for a
well-defined geopolitical area. Because of
this consideration, as well as the
requirements of items 1 and 4 above, a model
was required to be associated with a
well-defined geopolitical unit. |
| |
|
50 |
6. Someone intimately familiar with a
potential model service system had to be
willing and capable of rendering a global,
balanced, well-written description of it. |
| |
|
51 |
It was felt that these requirements would
not only yield the most instructive examples,
but that these characteristics would be those
held by most service systems considered most
exemplary by leaders in the field. It was with
such leaders around the world that we
consulted in order to identify service systems
that would meet our criteria and be considered
exemplary. To our surprise, very few systems
were considered exemplary by these experts,
and not all of these met the requirements. In
the United States, despite extensive
consultation, we would identify only one
service system that came even close to
satisfying the criteria. From other countries,
three models emerged as suitable. Thus, a
total of four model service programs were
finally identified, described on paper, and
presented in Part 6. |
| |
|
52 |
The head of the Danish National Mental
Retardation Service, Bank-Mikkelsen, describes
the first model. This model involves an
urban-metropolitan area, i.e., Copenhagen,
which is one of 11 service regions of Denmark.
Of special interest here is the extensive
application of normalization principles, as
described by Nirje, to a service system.
Similarly, this principle is expressed in
Grunewald's description of Malmöhus County in
Sweden, a geopolitical area which, in contrast
to Copenhagen, is mostly rural in nature.
These two chapters, together with material
presented by Nirje in Chapter 7, provide a
great deal of information on the legislative
underpinnings of services of two countries
considered exemplary in many aspects of mental
retardation provisions. |
| |
|
53 |
In Chapter 12, Norris describes the
services of Essex County in Britain. This
county is widely regarded as a model in
Britain. Also, while Scandinavia appears to
lead in the elaboration of residential
provisions, some counties in Britain are more
advanced in developmental services for
severely retarded young children and in
vocational services for retarded adults. This
type of emphasis clearly emerges in the Essex
system, especially in relation to the large
number of sheltered workshop places provided
or planned by that system. |
| |
|
54 |
Finally, the service system in the State
of Connecticut is described. In including this
description by Klaber, it is not intended to
present the Connecticut model as an ideal or
even desirable model for all states and areas.
However, it is intended to show how an
attitude of dissatisfaction, combined with
relatively consistent concepts, has led to
popular acceptance of a new service system
that is vastly preferable to the old one, and
that is superior to most systems now existing
in the United States. |
| |
|
55 |
Part 7 contains three chapters which, in
some ways, are similar to those contained in
Part 5, since they present service-related
issues and propose new solutions. However,
these three chapters are presented separately
because they either go far beyond the thinking
of Part 5, or because the models in Part 6 do
not exemplify the content of these three
chapters. |
| |
|
56 |
In the first chapter of Part 7, Sarason
makes a number of critical points. One of
these is the importance of viewing residential
facilities as human service settings
generally, all subject to similar social
processes, dynamics, and trends. Secondly,
those in the human service area will fail to
understand and control events unless they view
the operation of their settings from a larger
social system viewpoint, rather than the
narrow, individual-oriented clinical
perspective of traditional service agencies.
Finally, Sarason, points to the importance of
consciously conceptionalizing an ideology and
a concomitant set of general practices from
the very inception of a setting, and letting
these rule the specifics of operation rather
than the reverse. |
| |
|
57 |
The next two chapters contain service
conceptionalizations which might be
interpreted as being "typically American."
Cooke proposes an extension of Medicare
principles and legislation to permit public
moneys to be used to pay for private
residential services selected by the parents.
He feels that such an approach would quickly
result in the development of numerous small,
dispersed, residential homes; that presently
unutilized manpower would come forth to serve
in these facilities; and that these
facilities, being of high quality since they
would have to meet stringent acquirements,
would "drive out" big and poor institutions.
|
| |
|
58 |
In the third chapter of Part 7,
Wolfensberger presents what appears to be the
most radical innovation suggested in this
book: a human service system based on a
cost-benefit rationale. He suggests that
residential services in retardation should be
considered not only an integral part of a
wider retardation service system but part of a
broad system of human services generally. The
publicly supported part of this system, he
feels, should be reorganized so as to reduce
the autonomy of service agencies, and
decision-making regarding specific service
allocations should be based on considerations
of how service benefits can be maximized for
the largest number of citizens, given the
limited resources available at any one point
in time. Perhaps this proposal is utopian --
perhaps it is prophetic. Indeed, the
cost-benefit concept is gaining in ascendancy
in industry. Congress, and elsewhere, and the
question of national priorities that is now
widely discussed for the first time is closely
bound up with cost-benefit notions. |
| |
|
59 |
The final part and chapter of this
monograph is written by Dybwad, one of the
most prominent thinkers about mental
retardation services in this country, and
perhaps the world. In this chapter, he
attempts to interpret and place into
perspective the contributions of the other
authors. Most importantly, from the vast
amount of problems, issues, examples, and
solutions discussed, he attempts to isolate
implications on various levels of action and
implementation. From the material presented in
the preceding parts of the book, he attempts
to translate theoretical notions into concrete
proposals, and judge concrete measures as to
their feasibility and priority in the America
of today. |
| |
|
60 |
The editors are most grateful to all of
the contributors of this book. For each
contributor, it meant working against a
deadline, but all were willing to take time
from exceedingly busy schedules to add their
thoughts to this volume. |
| |
|
61 |
REFERENCES |
| |
|
62 |
Blatt, B. and Kaplan, F. Christmas in
purgatory. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1967.
|
| |
|
63 |
Goddard, H. H. The Kallikak family.
New York: MacMillan, 1912. |
| |
|
64 |
Noone, J. J. (ad.). Staffing at
residential institutions for the mentally
retarded in the United States. Unpublished
survey report of the American Association on
Mental Deficiency, 1967. |
| |
|
65 |
Pediatric Society of the South East
Metropolitan Region. The needs of the
mentally handicapped child. London:
National Society for Mentally Handicapped
Children, 1962. |
| |
|
66 |
President's Committee on Mental
Retardation. MR 67: a first report to the
President on the nation's progress and
remaining great needs in the campaign to
combat mental retardation. Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967.
|
| |
|
67 |
U.S. Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare. Provisional patient movement and
administrative data, public provisions for the
mentally retarded, United States, July 1,
1966-June 30, 1967. Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1968. |

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A scientific explanation of
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